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Lyndon LaRouche Day: The Real Revolutionary We Need Now

September 8, 2020
Lyndon LaRouche seen here at his 95th birthday, accompanied by his wife Helga and his beloved dog. September, 2017 (Photos EIRNS)
Helga and Lyndon LaRouche on Lyndon 95th Birthday Celibration. (Photo: EIRNS)

Today, September 8th, would have been the 98th birthday of Lyndon LaRouche, the economist and statesman whose work, The Power of Reason, 1988, was only one of those numberless works, great projects, and bold initiatives by which he located the power of labor in the limitless power of human reason and creativity. From his earliest major economic work, Dialectical Economics, Lyndon LaRouche demonstrated Lincoln’s conception that the productive labor force is the prior creator of capital, and of new and higher forms of productive labor, through creative invention, scientific breakthroughs, and their translation into new technologies.

But he went far beyond this. Standing on the shoulders of Gottfried Leibniz, the great thinkers of Greece and the Italian Renaissance, and Alexander Hamilton, Lyndon LaRouche exceeded any physical economist, in forecasting and describing how high the world’s poorest of labor forces could raise their physical, cultural and scientific powers, over periods of decades, through great projects of development.

In elaborating his conception of the power of labor, LaRouche advanced upon Leibniz’s founding idea of the ability of human reason to create “artificial labor” in machines of all kinds; Percy Shelley’s intense conception of the poetic elevation of the “mass strike” powers of the public mind upon perceiving the onset of crisis and hope for change; Alexander Hamilton’s discovery that credit was the effect of the future power of labor in the present; Abraham Lincoln’s fierce personal opposition to anything resembling physical or mental slavery; Beethoven’s capacity to compose music for the higher understanding of better generations yet unborn; and more.

Lyndon LaRouche made the power of reason to be the first and “prior to” power of labor; and that of labor using reason to discover, the first and “prior to” the many, many forms of new capital which could burst like a fountain from a scientific discovery. And he educated himself — though a genius — through engagement in every kind of hard productive work, even as Lincoln further described the progress of the powers of a free workman, in the speech to Congress below.

This is a day, then, to think about Lyndon LaRouche, and the exoneration and spread and act upon his ideas at a time when the nation and the world are in desperate need of them, where they are the crucial force which will determine whether, indeed, we live in the best of all possible worlds.

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SUPPORTING MATERIAL


Lincoln On Labor Day—the First Power In The Economy

Yesterday was Labor Day, a recognition of the power of labor which was “called for” — though its legal establishment was not begun for another two decades — in Abraham Lincoln’s State of the Union message to Congress of Dec. 3, 1861. While informing Congress that “despotism” was being reimposed in the seceded Southern states, Lincoln subtly rebuked the idea that freedom involved merely the existence of democratic institutions and popular rights. He explicitly rebuked the idea among many American capitalists, that the position and power of labor could be taken as fixed, either in bondage or as a “free” lifelong hireling, while new capital alone raised the power of production. Lincoln said:

“It is not needed … that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effect to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded thus far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life.

“Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless.

“Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.”